Dearest observer, 9-11 was presented as "history". Whether it is, or not, remains to be proved.
'This sense of immediacy and truthfulness which is the result of watching a steady stream of images interpreted with authority is what George Gerbner warned about as'instant history' - that is, history constructed by technology which 'concentrates power, shrinks time, and speeds action to the point where reporting, making and writing history
merge'

11 September 2001: coping by retreat into a world view
More than any particular map or narrative we might develop, we
need to retain the crucial awareness that any and all of these
narratives are mere models for behavioural, social, economic or
political success. Though provisionally functional, none of them are
absolutely true. To mistake any of them for reality would be to
mistake the map for the territory. This, more than anything, is the
terrible lesson of the twentieth century.Many people, institutions and
nations have yet to adopt strategies that take this lesson into account.
The oil industry and its representatives (some now elected in
government) are, for example, incapable of understanding a profit
model that does not involve the exploitation of fixed and limited
resources. They continue to push the rest of the industrialised world
towards the unnecessary bolstering of cooperative, if oppressive
dictatorships, as well as the wars these policies invariably produce.
The chemical and agriculture industries, incapable of envisioning a
particular crop as anything but a drug-addicted, genetically altered
species, cannot conceive of the impact of their innovations on the
planet’s topsoil or ecosystems. In more readily appreciated examples,
the Church of England is still consumed with its defence of the literal
interpretation of biblical events, and many fundamentalists sects in
the United States still fight, quite successfully, to prevent the theory of
evolution from being taught in state schools.
Although the terrorist attacks on the United States can find their
roots, at least partially, in a legacy of misguided American foreign and
energy policy decisions, they have also increased our awareness of a
great chasm between peoples with seemingly irreconcilable stories
about the world and humankind’s role within it. And the lines
between these world views are anything but clear.
Hours after the attacks, two of America’s own fundamentalist
ministers, Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, were quick to fit the tragic
events into their own concrete narrative for God’s relationship to
humankind. Unable, or unwilling, to understand the apocalyptic
moment as anything but the wrath of God, they blamed the feminists,
homosexuals and civil libertarians of New York City for having
brought this terrible but heavenly decree on themselves.
In a less strident but equally fundamentalist impulse, many
American patriots interpreted the attacks as the beginning of a war
against our nation’s sacred values. This was to be seen as a war against
capitalism and a free society. As American flags were raised in
defiance of our Middle Eastern antagonists, just as many American
freedoms were sacrificed to the new war on terrorism. Our
nationalism overshadowed our national values, but our collective
story was saved from deconstruction.
Meanwhile, free-market capitalism’s stalwarts, who had already
suffered the collapse of the dot.com bubble and the faith-challenging
reality of an economic recession, were also reeling from the attack on
their most visible symbol of global trade. With its dependence on
perpetual expansion, the story of global capitalism was not helped by
this sure sign of resistance. Might the world not really be ready to
embrace the World Trade Organisation’s gifts? With a utopian future
of global economic prosperity as central to its basic premise as any
fundamentalist vision of a perfect past era in harmony with God,
believers in the capitalist narrative responded the only way they
could. They sought a war to defend their story.
The most injurious rupture, of course, was to the narrative we use
to feel safe and protected in an increasingly global society. The attacks
on the Pentagon and World Trade Center, pinpointed, devastating,
and worst of all perfectly executed, challenged the notion that we
were the world’s singularly invincible nation. The people we
appointed to protect us had proved their inability to do so. President
Bush’s quick rise to an over 90 per cent popularity rating shows just
how much we needed to believe in his ability to provide us with the
omnipotent fatherly protection that his rhetoric commanded. But like
a child realising that his parents can’t save him from the bully at
school, Americans were forced to consider that our leaders, our
weapons and our wealth offer only so much insulation from a big bad
world.
Our nurtured complacency and our sense of absolute security had
always been unfounded, of course. But waking up to the great
existential dilemma as suddenly as we did was a traumatic experience.
It led us to revert to old habits.Anti-Semites (and latent anti-Semites)
around the world used the catastrophe as new evidence of the ‘Jewish
problem’. Tsarist and Nazi propaganda books, such as Protocols of the
Elders of Zion, hit the bestseller lists in countries like Saudi Arabia
where they are still being published by official government presses.
Newspaper stories revived blood libel (that Jews drink the blood of
murdered non-Jewish teens) and spread the disinformation that Jews
were warned about the attacks by their rabbis through special radios
they keep in their homes. Indeed, such informational treachery is
nothing new. But in the destabilised atmosphere of disrupted
narrative, it spread faster, wider and with greater effect than it
otherwise would have.
Efforts to package America’s NewWar on news channels like CNN
further alienated the more cynical viewers from the mainstream
account of what had happened. Conspiracy theorists, Web activists
and open-minded leftists, already suspicious of the narratives
presented through television, found themselves falling prey to a
falsified email letter from a Brazilian schoolteacher claiming that
video footage of Palestinians celebrating the attacks had actually been
shot years earlier during the Gulf War. Like any other narrative, the
extreme counterculture’s saga of a ‘new world order’, directed by the
Bush family, had to be wrapped around the new data.
Meanwhile, many Jews and Christians who hadn’t even thought
about their religion or their ethnicity for years found themselves
instinctively asking: ‘how will this impact Israel?’ or ‘is the
Armageddon upon us?’ They bought memberships in religious
institutions for the first time in decades, and packed into their
churches and synagogues looking for reassurance, for a way to fit
these catastrophes into a bigger story. Like everyone else, they hoped
to reconstruct the narrative that had been shattered.
But surely our world views, political outlooks and religions aren’t
functioning at their best when they provide pat answers to life’s
biggest questions. The challenge to all thinking people is to resist the
temptation to fall into yet another polarised, nationalist or, God
forbid, holy posture. Rather than retreating into the simplistic and
childlike, if temporarily reassuring, belief that the answers have
already been written along with the entire human story, we must
resolve ourselves to participate actively in w riting the story ourselves.
It is not enough to go back to our old models, particularly when they
have been revealed to be inadequate at explaining the complexity of
the human condition. It is too late for the Western world to retreat
into Christian fundamentalism, accelerating global conflict in an
effort to bring on the messianic age. It is too late to push blindly
towards a purely capitalist model of human culture. There is simply
too much evidence that the short-term bottom line does not serve the
needs of people or the environment. There are too many alternative
values and cultural threads surrendered to profit efficiency that may
yet prove vital to our cultural ecosystem.
Instead, we must forge ahead into the challenging but necessary
task of inventing new models ourselves, using the collaborative
techniques learned over the past decade, and based in the real
evidence around us.
http://www.rushkoff.com/downloads/opensourcedemocracy.pdfOpen Source Democracy (download) -
PDF version of Rushkoff's book for UK policy thinktank Demos.